From:
Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales Fort in Hudsons Bay, to the
Northern Ocean . . . in the years 1769, 1770, 1771 and 1772 (London, Eng: Strahan and
Cadell, 1795). |
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[Matonabbee] |
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In the evening of the twentieth, we were joined from the Westward by a
famous Leader, called Matonabbee, mentioned in my instructions; who, with his followers,
or gang, was also going to Prince of Waless Fort, with furrs, and other articles for
trade. This Leader, when a youth, resided several years at the above Fort, and was not
only a perfect master of the Southern Indian language, but by being frequently with the
Companys servants, had acquired several words of English, and was one of the men who
brought the latest accounts of the Coppermine River; and it was on his information, added
to that of one I-dot-le-ezey, (who is since dead,) that this expedition was set on foot. |
20th
1770.
September |
The courteous behaviour of this stranger
struck me very sensibly. As soon as he was acquainted with our distress, he got such skins
as we had with us dressed for the Southern Indians, and furnished me with a good warm suit
of otter and other skins: but, as it was not in his power to provide us with snow-shoes,
(being then on the barren ground,) he directed us to a little river which he knew, and
where there was a small range of woods, which, though none of the best, would, he said,
furnish us with temporary snow-shoes and sledges, that might materially assist us during
the remaining part of our journey. We spent several nights in company with this Leader,
though we advanced towards the Fort at the rate of ten or twelve miles a day; and as
provisions abounded, he made a grand feast for me in the Southern Indian style, where
there was plenty of good eating, and the whole concluded with singing and dancing, after
the Southern Indian style and manner. In this amusement my home-guard Indians bore no
inconsiderable part, as they were both men of some consequence when at home, and well
known to Matonabbee: but among the other Northern Indians, to whom they were not known,
they were held in no estimation; which indeed is not to be wondered at, when we consider
that the value of a man among those people, is always proportioned to his abilities in
hunting; and as my two Indians had not exhibited any great talents that way, the Northern
Indians shewed them as much respect as they do in common to those of very moderate talents
among themselves. |
October
1770.
October
|
During my conversation with this Leader, he
asked me very seriously, If I would attempt another journey for the discovery of the
Copper-mines? And on my answering in the affirmative, provided I could get better guides
than I had hitherto been furnished with, he said he would readily engage in that service,
provided the Governor at the Fort would employ him. In answer to this, I assured him his
offer would be gladly accepted; and as I had already experienced every hardship that was
likely to accompany any future trial, I was determined to complete the discovery, even at
the risque of life itself. Matonabbee assured me, that by the accounts received from his
own countrymen, the Southern Indians, and myself, it was very probable I might not
experience so much hardship during the whole journey, as I had already felt, though
scarcely advanced one third part of the journey. |
|
He attributed all our misfortunes to the
misconduct of my guides, and the very plan we pursued, by the desire of the Governor, in
not taking any women with us on this journey, was, he said, the principal thing that
occasioned all our wants: for, said he, when all the men are heavy laden, they can
neither hunt nor travel to any considerable distance; and in case they meet with success
in hunting, who is to carry the produce of their labour? Women, added he, were made for
labour; one of them can carry, or haul, as much as two men can do. They also pitch our
tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night; and, in fact, there is no such
thing as travelling any considerable distance, or for any length of time, in this country,
without their assistance. Women, said he again, though they do every thing,
are maintained at a trifling expence; for as they always stand cook, the very licking of
their fingers in scarce times, is sufficient for their subsistence. This, however
odd as it may appear, is but too true a description of the situation of women in this
country: it is at least so in appearance; for the women always carry the provisions, and
it is more than probable they help themselves when the men are not present. |
1770.
October |
Early in the morning of the twenty-third, I
struck out of the road to the Eastward, with my two companions and two or three Northern
Indians, while Matonabbee and his crew continued their course to the Factory, promising to
walk so slow that we might come up with them again; and in two days we arrived at the
place to which we were directed. We went to work immediately in making snow-shoe frames
and sledges; but notwithstanding our utmost endeavours, we could not complete them in less
than four days. On the first of November we again proceeded on our journey toward the
Factory; and on the sixth, came up with Matonabbee and his gang: after which we proceeded
on together several days; when I found my new acquaintance, on all occasions, the most
sociable, kind, and sensible Indian I had ever met with. He was a man well known, and, as
an Indian, of universal knowledge, and generally respected. |
1770.
October
25th.November
1st. |
· · · |
|
In stature, Matonabbee was above the common
size, being nearly six feet high1; and, except
that his neck was rather (though not much) too short, he was one of the finest and best
proportioned men that I ever saw. In complexion he was dark, like the other Northern
Indians, but his face was not disfigured by that ridiculous custom of marking the cheeks
with three or four black lines. His features were regular and agreeable, and yet so
strongly marked and expressive, that they formed a complete index of his mind; which, as
he never intended to deceive or dissemble, he never wished to conceal. In conversation he
was easy, lively, and agreeable, but exceedingly modest; and at table, the nobleness and
elegance of his manners might have been admired by the first personages in the world; for
to the vivacity of a Frenchman, and the sincerity of an Englishman, he added the gravity
and nobleness of a Turk; all so happily blended, as to render his company and conversation
universally pleasing to those who understood either the Northern or Southern Indian
languages, the only languages in which he could converse. |
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He was remarkably fond of Spanish wines,
though he never drank to excess; and as he would not partake of spirituous liquors,
however fine in quality or plainly mixed, he was always master of himself. As no man is
exempt from frailties, it is natural to suppose that as a man he had his share; but the
greatest with which I can charge him, is jealousy, and that sometimes carried him beyond
the bounds of humanity. |
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[Indian Wives] |
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In the night, one of Matonabbees wives and another woman eloped:
it was supposed they went off to the Eastward, in order to meet their former husbands,
from whom they had been sometime before taken by force. This affair made more noise and
bustle than I could have supposed; and Matonabbee seemed entirely disconcerted, and quite
inconsolable for the loss of his wife. She was certainly by far the handsomest of all his
flock, of a moderate size, and had a fair complexion; she apparently possessed a mild
temper, and very engaging manners. In fact, she seemed to have every good quality that
could be expected in a Northern Indian woman, and that could render her an agreeable
companion to an inhabitant of this part of the world. She had not, however, appeared happy
in her late situation; and chose rather to be the sole wife of a sprightly young fellow of
no note, (though very capable of maintaining her,) than to have the seventh or eighth
share of the affection of the greatest man in the country. I am sorry to mention an
incident which happened while we were building the canoes at Clowey, and which by no means
does honour to Matonabbee: it is no less a crime than that of having actually stabbed the
husband of the above-mentioned girl in three places; and had it not been for timely
assistance, would certainly have murdered him, for no other reason than because the poor
man had spoken disrespectfully of him for having taken his wife away by force. The cool
deliberation with which Matonabbee committed this bloody action, convinced me it had been
a long premeditated design; for he no sooner heard of the mans arrival, than he
opened one of his wives bundles, and, with the greatest composure, took out a new
long box-handled knife, went into the mans tent, and, without any preface whatever,
took him by the collar, and began to execute his horrid design. The poor man anticipating
his danger, fell on his face, and called for assistance; but before any could be had he
received three wounds in the back. Fortunately for him, they all happened on the
shoulder-blade, so that his life was spared. When Matonabbee returned to his tent, after
committing this horrid deed, he sat down as composedly as if nothing had happened, called
for water to wash his bloody hands and knife, smoked his pipe as usual, seemed to be
perfectly at ease, and asked if I did not think he had done right? |
1771.
May |
It has ever been the custom among those people
for the men to wrestle for any woman to whom they are attached; and, of course, the
strongest party always carries off the prize. A weak man, unless he be a good hunter and
well-beloved, is seldom permitted to keep a wife that a stronger man thinks worth his
notice: for at any time when the wives of those strong wrestlers are heavy-laden either
with furrs or provisions, they make no scruple of tearing any other mans wife from
his bosom, and making her bear a part of his luggage. This custom prevails throughout all
their tribes, and causes a great spirit of emulation among their youths, who are upon all
occasions, from their childhood, trying their strength and skill in wrestling. This
enables them to protect their property, and particularly their wives, from the hands of
those powerful ravishers; some of whom make almost a livelihood by taking what they please
from the weaker parties, without making them any return. Indeed, it is represented as an
act of great generosity, if they condescend to make an unequal exchange; as, in general,
abuse and insult are the only return for the loss which is sustained. |
1771.
May
|
The way in which they tear the women and other
property from one another, though it has the appearance of the greatest brutality, can
scarcely be called fighting. I never knew any of them receive the least hurt in these
rencontres; the whole business consists in hauling each other about by the hair of the
head; they are seldom known either to strike or kick one another. It is not uncommon for
one of them to cut off his hair and to grease his ears, immediately before the contest
begins. This, however, is done privately; and it is sometimes truly laughable, to see one
of the parties strutting about with an air of great importance, and calling out,
Where is he? Why does he not come out? when the other will bolt out with
a clean shorned head and greased ears, rush on his antagonist, seize him by the hair, and
though perhaps a much weaker man, soon drag him to the ground, while the stronger is not
able to lay hold on him. It is very frequent on those occasions for each party to have
spies, to watch the others motions, which puts them more on a footing of equality.
For want of hair to pull, they seize each other about the waist, with legs wide extended,
and try their strength, by endeavouring to vie who can first throw the other down. |
1771.
May |
On these wrestling occasions the standers-by
never attempt to interfere in the contest; even one brother offers not to assist another,
unless it be with advice, which, as it is always delivered openly on the field during the
contest, may, in fact, be said to be equally favourable to both parties. It sometimes
happens that one of the wrestlers is superior in strength to the other; and if a woman be
the cause of the contest, the weaker is frequently unwilling to yield, notwithstanding he
is greatly overpowered. When this happens to be the case, the relations and friends, or
other bye-standers, will sometimes join to persuade the weaker combatant to give up the
contest, lest, by continuing it, he should get bruised and hurt, without the least
probability of being able to protect what he is contending for. I observed that very few
of those people were dissatisfied with the wives which had fallen to their lot, for
whenever any considerable number of them were in company, scarcely a day passed without
some overtures being made for contests of this kind; and it was often very unpleasant to
me, to see the object of the contest sitting in pensive silence watching her fate, while
her husband and his rival were contending for the prize. I have indeed not only felt pity
for those poor wretched victims, but the utmost indignation, when I have seen them won,
perhaps, by a man whom they mortally hated. On those occasions their grief and reluctance
to follow their new lord has been so great, that the business has often ended in the
greatest brutality; for, in the struggle, I have seen the poor girls stripped quite naked,
and carried by main force to their new lodgings. At other times it was pleasant enough to
see a fine girl led off the field from a husband she disliked, with a tear in one eye and
a finger on the other: for custom, or delicacy if you please, has taught them to think it
necessary to whimper a little, let the change be ever so much to their inclination. I have
throughout this account given the women the appellation of girls, which is pretty
applicable, as the objects of contests are generally young, and without any family: few of
the men chuse to be at the trouble of maintaining other peoples children, except on
particular occasions, which will be taken notice of hereafter. |
1771.
May |
Some of the old men, who are famous on account
of their supposed skill in conjuration, have great influence in persuading the rabble from
committing those outrages; but the humanity of these sages is seldom known to extend
beyond their own families. In defence of them they will exert their utmost influence; but
when their own relations are guilty of the same crime, they seldom interfere. This partial
conduct creates some secret, and several open enemies; but the generality of their
neighbours are deterred, through fear or superstition, from executing their revenge, and
even from talking disrespectfully of them, unless it be behind their backs; which is a
vice of which almost every Indian in this country, without exception, is guilty. |
1771.
May |
Notwithstanding the Northern Indians are so
covetous, and pay so little regard to private property as to take every advantage of
bodily strength to rob their neighbours, not only of their goods, but of their wives, yet
they are, in other respects, the mildest tribe, or nation, that is to be found on the
borders of Hudsons Bay: for let their affronts or losses be ever so great, they
never will seek any other revenge than that of wrestling. As for murder, which is so
common among all the tribes of Southern Indians, it is seldom heard of among them. A
murderer is shunned and detested by all the tribe, and is obliged to wander up and down,
forlorn and forsaken even by his own relations and former friends. In that respect a
murderer may truly be compared to Cain, after he had killed his brother Abel. The cool
reception he meets with by all who know him, occasions him to grow melancholy, and he
never leaves any place but the whole company say, There goes the murderer! The
women, it is true, sometimes receive an unlucky blow from their husbands for misbehaviour,
which occasions their death; but this is thought nothing of: and for one man or woman to
kill another out of revenge, or through jealousy, or any other account, is so
extraordinary, that very few are now fined their regard wholly to their children,
particularly to the youngest, scarcely ever mentioning their mother. |
1771.
May |
[Murder of the Esquimaux] |
|
It should have been observed, that during our stay at Clowey a great
number of Indians entered into a combination with those of my party to accompany us to the
Copper-mine River; and with no other intent than to murder the Esquimaux, who are
understood by the Copper Indians to frequent that river in considerable numbers. This
scheme, notwithstanding the trouble and fatigue, as well as danger, with which it must be
obviously attended, was nevertheless so universally approved by those people, that for
some time almost every man who joined us proposed to be of the party. Accordingly, each
volunteer, as well as those who were properly of my party, prepared a target, or shield,
before we left the woods of Clowey. Those targets were composed of thin boards, about
three quarters of an inch thick, two feet broad, and three feet long; and were intended to
ward off the arrows of the Esquimaux. Notwithstanding these preparations, when we came to
leave the women and children, as has been already mentioned, only sixty volunteers would
go with us; the rest, who were nearly as many more, though they had all prepared targets,
reflecting that they had a great distance to walk, and that no advantage could be expected
from the expedition, very prudently begged to be excused, saying, that they could not be
spared for so long a time from the maintenance of their wives and families; and
particularly, as they did not see any then in our company, who seemed willing to encumber
themselves with such a charge. This seemed to be a mere evasion, for I am clearly of
opinion that poverty on one side, and avarice on the other, were the only impediments to
their joining our party; had they possessed as many European goods to squander away among
their countrymen as Matonabbee and those of my party did, in all probability many might
have been found who would have been glad to have accompanied us. |
1771
May
|
When I was acquainted with the intentions of
my companions, and saw the warlike preparations that were carrying on, I endeavoured as
much as possible to persuade them from put-ting their inhuman design into execution; but
so far were my intreaties from having the wished-for effect, that it was concluded I was
actuated by cowardice; and they told me, with great marks of derision, that I was afraid
of the Esquimaux. As I knew my personal safety depended in a great measure on the
favourable opinion they entertained of me in this respect, I was obliged to change my
tone, and replied, that I did not care if they rendered the name and race of the Esquimaux
extinct; adding at the same time, that though I was no enemy of the Esquimaux, and did not
see the necessity of attacking them without cause, yet if I should find it necessary to do
it, for the protection of any one of my company, my own safety out of the question, so for
from being afraid of a poor defenceless Esquimaux, whom I despised more than feared,
nothing should be wanting on my part to protect all who were with me. This declaration was
received with great satisfaction; and I never afterwards ventured to interfere with any of
their war-plans. Indeed, when I came to consider seriously, I saw evidently that it was
the highest folly for an individual like me, and in my situation, to attempt to turn the
current of a national prejudice which had subsisted between those two nations from the
earliest periods, or at least as long as they had been acquainted with the existence of
each other. |
1771.
May |
· · · |
|
We had scarcely arrived at the Copper-mine
River when four Copper Indians joined us, and brought with them two canoes. They had seen
all the Indians who were sent from us at various times, except Matonabbees brother,
and three others that were first dispatched from Congecathawhachaga. |
1771
July
14th. |
On my arrival here I was not a little
surprised to find the river differ so much from the description which the Indians had
given of it at the Factory; for, instead of being so large as to be navigable for
shipping, as it had been represented by them, it was at that part scarcely navigable for
an Indian canoe, being no more than one hundred and eighty yards wide, every where full of
shoals, and no less than three falls were in sight at first view. |
1771.
July |
Near the waters edge there is some wood;
but not one tree grows on or near the top of the hills between which the river runs. There
appears to have been formerly a much greater quantity than there is at present; but the
trees seem to have been set on fire some years ago, and, in consequence, there is at
present ten sticks lying on the ground, for one green one which is growing beside them.
The whole timber appears to have been, even in its greatest prosperity, of so crooked and
dwarfish a growth as to render it of little use for any purpose but firewood. |
|
Soon after our arrival at the river-side,
three Indians were sent off as spies, in order to see if any Esquimaux were inhabiting the
river-side between us and the sea. After walking about three quarters of a mile by the
side of the river, we put up, when most of the Indians went a hunting, and killed several
musk-oxen and some deer. They were employed all the remainder of the day and night in
splitting and drying the meat by the fire. As we were no then in want of provisions, and
as deer and other animals were so plentiful, that each days journey might have
provided for itself, I was at a loss to account for this unusual conomy of my companions;
but was soon informed, that those preparations were made with a view to have victuals
enough ready-cooked to serve us to the rivers mouth, without being obliged to kill
any in our way, as the report of the guns, and the smoke of the fires, would be liable to
alarm the natives, if any should be near at hand, and give them an opportunity of
escaping. |
1771.
July |
Early in the morning of the fifteenth, we set
out, when I immediately began my survey, which I continued about ten miles down the river,
till heavy rain coming on we were obliged to put up; and the place where we lay that night
was the end, or edge of the woods, the whole space between it and the sea being entirely
barren hills and wide open marshes. In the course of this days survey, I found the
river as full of shoals as the part which I had seen before; and in many places it was so
greatly diminished in its width, that in our way we passed by two more capital falls. |
15th. |
Early in the morning of the sixteenth, the
weather being fine and pleasant, I again proceeded with my survey, and continued it for
ten miles farther down the river; but still found it the same as before, being every where
full of falls and shoals. At this time (it being about noon) the three men who had been
sent as spies met us on their return, and informed my companions that five tents of
Esquimaux were on the west side of the river. The situation, they said, was very
convenient for surprising them; and, according to their account, I judged it to be about
twelve miles from the place we met the spies. When the Indians received this intelligence,
no farther attendance or attention was paid to my survey, but their whole thoughts were
immediately engaged in planning the best method of attack, and how they might steal on the
poor Esquimaux the ensuing night, and kill them all while asleep. To accomplish this
bloody design more effectually, the Indians thought it necessary to cross the river as
soon as possible; and, by the account of the spies, it appeared that no part was more
convenient for the purpose than that where we had met them, it being there very smooth,
and at a considerable distance from any fall. Accordingly, after the Indians had put all
their guns, spears, targets, &c. in good order, we crossed the river, which took up
some time. |
16th.
1771.
July |
When we arrived on the West side of the river,
each painted the front of his target or shield; some with the figure of the Sun, others
with that of the Moon, several with different kinds of birds and beasts of prey, and many
with the images of imaginary beings, which, according to their silly notions, are the
inhabitants of the different elements, Earth, Sea, Air, &c. |
1771.
July |
On enquiring the reason of their doing so, I
learned that each man painted his shield with the image of that being on which he relied
most for success in the intended engagement. Some were contented with a single
representation; while others, doubtful, as I suppose, of the quality and power of any
single being, had their shields covered to the very margin with a group of hieroglyphics
quite unintelligible to every one except the painter. Indeed, from the hurry in which this
business was necessarily done, the want of every colour but red and black, and the
deficiency of skill in the artist, most of those paintings had more the appearance of a
number of accidental blotches, than of any thing that is on the earth, or in
the water under the earth; and though some few of them conveyed a tolerable
idea of the thing intended, yet even these were many degrees worse than our country
sign-paintings in England. |
|
When this piece of superstition was completed,
we began to advance toward the Esquimaux tents; but were very careful to avoid crossing
any hills, or talking loud, for fear of being seen or overheard by the inhabitants; by
which means the distance was not only much greater than it otherwise would have been, but,
for the sake of keeping in the lowest grounds, we were obliged to walk through entire
swamps of stiff marly clay, sometimes up to the knees. Our course, however, on this
occasion, though very serpentine, was not altogether so remote from the river as entirely
to exclude me from a view of it the whole way: on the contrary, several times (according
to the situation of the ground) we advanced so near it, as to give me an opportunity of
convincing myself that it was as unnavigable as it was in those parts which I had surveyed
before, and which entirely corresponded with the accounts given of it by the spies. |
1771.
July |
It is perhaps worth remarking, that my crew,
though an undisciplined rabble, and by no means accustomed to war or command, seemingly
acted on this horrid occasion with the utmost uniformity of sentiment. There was not among
them the least altercation or separate opinion; all were united in the general cause, and
as ready to follow where Matonabbee led, as he appeared to be ready to lead, according to
the advice of an old Copper Indian, who had joined us on our first arrival at the river
where this bloody business was first proposed. |
|
Never was reciprocity of interest more
generally regarded among a number of people, than it was on the present occasion by my
crew, for not one was a moment in want of any thing that another could spare; and if ever
the spirit of disinterested friendship expanded the heart of a Northern Indian, it was
here exhibited in the most extensive meaning of the word. Property of every kind that
could be of general use now ceased to be private, and every one who had any thing which
came under that description, seemed proud of an opportunity of giving it, or lending it to
those who had none, or were most in want of it. |
1771.
July |
The number of my crew was so much greater than
that which five tents could contain, and the warlike manner in which they were equipped so
greatly superior to what could be expected of the poor Esquimaux, that no less than a
total massacre of every one of them was likely to be the case, unless Providence should
work a miracle for their deliverance. |
|
The land was so situated that we walked under
cover of the rocks and hills till we were within two hundred yards of the tents. There we
lay in ambush for some time, watching the motions of the Esquimaux; and here the Indians
would have advised me to stay till the fight was over, but to this I could by no means
consent; for I considered that when the Esquimaux came to be surprised, they would try
every way to escape, and if they found me alone, not knowing me from an enemy, they would
probably proceed to violence against me when no person was near to assist. For this reason
I determined to accompany them, telling them at the same time, that I would not have any
hand in the murder they were about to commit, unless I found it necessary for my own
safety. The Indians were not displeased at this proposal; one of them immediately fixed me
a spear, and another lent me a broad bayonet for my protection, but at that time I could
not be provided with a target; nor did I want to be encumbered with such an unnecessary
piece of lumber. |
1771.
July |
While we lay in ambush, the Indians performed
the last ceremonies which were thought necessary before the engagement. These chiefly
consisted in painting their faces; some all black, some all red, and others with a mixture
of the two; and to prevent their hair from blowing into their eyes, it was either tied
before and behind, and on both sides, or else cut short all round. The next thing they
considered was to make themselves as light as possible for running; which they did, by
pulling off their stockings, and either cutting off the sleeves of their jackets, or
rolling them up close to their arm-pits; and though the musket-toes at that time were so
numerous as to surpass all credibility, yet some of the Indians actually pulled off their
jackets and entered the lists quite naked, except their breech-cloths and shoes. Fearing I
might have occasion to run with the rest, I thought it also advisable to pull off my
stockings and cap, and to tie my hair as close up as possible. |
|
By the time the Indians had made themselves
thus completely frightful, it was near one oclock in the morning of the seventeenth;
when finding all the Esquimaux quiet in their tents, they rushed forth from their
ambuscade, and fell on the poor unsuspecting creatures, unperceived till close at the very
eves of their tents, when they soon began the bloody massacre, while I stood neuter in the
rear. |
1771.
July
17th. |
In a few seconds the horrible scene commenced;
it was shocking beyond description; the poor unhappy victims were surprised in the midst
of their sleep, and had neither time nor power to make any resistance; men, women, and
children, in all upwards of twenty, ran out of their tents stark naked, and endeavoured to
make their escape; but the Indians having pos-session of all the land-side, to no place
could they fly for shelter. One alternative only remained, that of jumping into the river;
but, as none of them attempted it, they all fell a sacrifice to Indian barbarity! |
|
The shrieks and groans of the poor
expiring wretches were truly dreadful; and my horror was much increased at seeing a young
girl, seemingly about eighteen years of age, killed so near me, that when the first spear
was stuck into her side she fell down at my feet, and twisted round my legs, so that it
was with difficulty that I could disengaged myself from her dying grasps. As two Indian
men pursued this unfortunate victim, I solicited very hard for her life; but the murderers
made no reply till they had stuck both their spears through her body, and transfixed her
to the ground. They then looked me sternly in the face, and began to ridicule me, by
asking if I wanted an Esquimaux wife; and paid not the smallest regard to the shrieks and
agony of the poor wretch, who was twining round their spears like an eel! Indeed, after
receiving much abusive language from them on the occasion, I was at length obliged to
desire that they would be more expeditious in dispatching their victim out of her misery,
otherwise I should be obliged, out of pity, to assist in the friendly office of putting an
end to the existence of a fellow-creature who was so cruelly wounded. On this request
being made, one of the Indians hastily drew his spear from the place where it was first
lodged, and pierced it through her breast near the heart. The love of life, however, even
in this most miserable state, was so predominant, that though this might justly be called
the most merciful act that could be done for the poor creature, it seemed to be unwelcome,
for though much exhausted by pain and loss of blood, she made several efforts to ward off
the friendly blow. My situation and the terror of my mind at beholding this butchery,
cannot easily be conceived, much less described; though I summed up all the fortitude I
was master of on the occasion, it was with difficulty that I could refrain from tears; and
I am confident that my features must have feelingly expressed how sincerely I was affected
at the barbarous scene I then witnessed; even at this hour I cannot reflect on the
transactions of that horrid day without shedding tears. |
1771.
July |
1771.
July |
The brutish manner in which these savages used
the bodies they had so cruelly bereaved of life was so shocking, that it would be indecent
to describe it; particularly their curiosity in examining, and the remarks they made, on
the formation of the women; which, they pretended to say, differed materially from that of
their own. For my own part I must acknowledge, that however favourable the opportunity for
determining that point might have been, yet my thoughts at the time were too much agitated
to admit of any such remarks; and I firmly believe, that had there actually been as much
difference between them as there is said to be between the Hottentots and those of Europe,
it would not have been in my power to have marked the distinction. I have reason to think,
however, that there is no ground for the assertion; and really believe that the
declaration of the Indians on this occasion, was utterly void of truth, and proceeded only
from the implacable hatred they bore to the whole tribe of people of whom I am speaking. |
|
When the Indians had completed the murder to
the poor Esquimaux, seven other tents on the East side [of] the river immediately engaged
their attention: very luckily, however, our canoes and baggage had been left at a little
distance up the river, so that they had no way of crossing to get at them. The river at
this part being little more that eighty yards wide, they began firing at them from the
West side. The poor Esquimaux on the opposite shore, though all up in arms, did not
attempt to abandon their tents; and they were so unacquainted with the nature of
fire-arms, that when the bullets struck the ground, they ran in crowds to see what was
sent them, and seemed anxious to examine all the pieces of lead which they found flattened
against the rocks. At length one of the Esquimaux men was shot in the calf of his leg,
which put them in great confusion. They all immediately embarked in their little canoes,
and paddled to a shoal in the middle of the river, which being somewhat more than a
gun-shot from any part of the shore, put them out of the reach of our barbarians. |
1771.
July |
When the savages discovered that the surviving
Esquimaux had gained the shore above mentioned, the Northern Indians began to plunder the
tents of the deceased of all the copper utensils they could find; such as hatchets,
bayonets, knives, &c. after which they assembled on the top of an adjacent high hill,
and standing all in a cluster, so as to form a solid circle, with their spears erect in
the air, gave many shouts of victory, constantly clashing their spears against each other,
and frequently calling out tima! tima2! by way of
derision to the poor surviving Esquimaux, who were standing on the shoal almost knee-deep
in water. After parading the hill for some time, it was agreed to return up the river to
the place where we had left our canoes and baggage, which was about half a mile distant,
and then to cross the river again and plunder the seven tents on the East side. This
resolution was immediately put in force; and as ferrying across with only three or four
canoes3 took a considerable time, and as we were,
from the crookedness of the river and the form of the land, entirely under cover, several
of the poor surviving Esquimaux, thinking probably that we were gone about our business,
and meant to trouble them no more, had returned from the shoal to their habitations. When
we approached their tents, which we did under cover of the rocks, we found them busily
employed tying up bundles. These the Indians seized with their usual ferocity; on which,
the Esquimaux having their canoes lying ready in the water, immediately embarked, and all
of them got safe to the former shoal, except an old man, who was so intent on collecting
his things, that the Indians coming upon him before he could reach his canoe, he fell a
sacrifice to their fury: I verily believe not less than twenty had a hand in his death, as
his whole body was like a cullender. It is here necessary to observe that the spies, when
on the look-out, could not see these seven tents, though close under them, as the bank, on
which they stood, stretched over them. |
1771.
July
|
It ought to have been mentioned in its proper
place, that in making our retreat up the river, after killing the Esquimaux on the West
side, we saw an old woman sitting by the side of the water, killing salmon, which lay at
the foot of the fall as thick as a shoal of herrings. Whether from the noise of the fall,
or a natural defect in the old womans hearing, it is hard to determine, but certain
it is, she had no knowledge of the tragical scene which had been so lately transacted at
the tents, though she was not more than two hundred yards from the place. When we first
perceived her, she seemed perfectly at ease, and was entirely surrounded with the produce
of her labour. From her manner of behaviour, and the appearance of her eyes, which were as
red as blood, it is more than probable that her sight was not very good; for she scarcely
discerned that the Indians were enemies, till they were within twice the length of their
spears of her. It was in vain that she attempted to fly, for the wretches of my crew
transfixed her to the ground in a few seconds, and butchered her in the most savage
manner. There was scarcely a man among them who had not a thrust at her with his spear;
and many in doing this, aimed at torture, rather than immediate death, as they not only
poked out her eyes, but stabbed her in many parts very remote from those which are vital. |
1771.
July |
It may appear strange, that a person supposed
to be almost blind should be employed in the business of fishing, and particularly with
any degree of success; but when the multitude of fish is taken into the account, the
wonder will cease. Indeed they were so numerous at the foot of the fall, that when a light
pole, armed with a few spikes, which was the instrument the old woman used, was put under
water, and hauled up with a jerk, it was scarcely possible to miss them. Some of my
Indians tried the method, for curiosity, with the old womans staff, and seldom got
less than two at a jerk, sometimes three or four. Those fish, though very fine, and
beautifully red, are but small, seldom weighing more (as near as I could judge) than six
or seven pounds, and in general much less. Their numbers at this place were almost
incredible, perhaps equal to any thing that is related of the salmon in Kamschatka, or any
other part of the world. It does not appear that the Esquimaux have any other method of
catching the fish, unless it be by spears and darts; for no appearance of nets was
discovered either at their tents, or on any part of the shore. This is the case with all
the Esquimaux on the West side of Hudsons Bay; spearing in Summer, and angling in
Winter, are the only methods they have yet devised to catch fish, though at times their
whole dependance for support is on that article. |
1771.
July |
When the Indians had plundered the seven tents
of all copper utensils, which seemed the only thing worth their notice, they threw all the
tents and tent-poles into the river, destroyed a vast quantity of dried salmon, musk-oxen
flesh, and other provisions; broke all the stone kettles; and, in fact, did all the
mischief they possibly could to distress the poor creatures they could not murder, and who
were standing on the shoal before mentioned, obliged to be woeful spectators of their
great, or perhaps irreparable loss. |
1771.
July |
[Beaver Dunging] |
|
In respect to the beaver dunging in their
houses, as some persons assert, it is quite wrong, as they always plunge into the water to
do it. I am the better enabled to make this assertion, from having kept several of them
till they became so domesti-cated as to answer to their name, and follow those to whom
they were accustomed, in the same manner as a dog would do; and they were as much pleased
at being fondled, as any animal I ever saw. I had a house built for them, and a small
piece of water before the door, into which they always plunged when they wanted to ease
nature; and their dung being of a light substance, immediately rises and floats on the
surface, then separates and subsides to the bottom. When the Winter sets in so as to
freeze the water solid, they still continue their custom of coming out of their house, and
dunging and making water on the ice; and when the weather was so cold that I was obliged
to take them into my house, they always went into a large tub of water which I set for
that purpose: so that they made not the least dirt, though they were kept in my own
sitting-room, where they were the constant companions of the Indian women and children,
and were so fond of their company, that when the Indians were absent for any considerable
time, the beaver discovered great signs of uneasiness, and on their return shewed equal
marks of pleasure, by fondling on them, crawling into their laps, laying on their backs,
sitting erect like a squirrel, and behaving to them like children who see their parents
but seldom. In general, during the Winter they lived on the same food as the women did,
and were remarkably fond of rice and plum-pudding: they would eat partridges and fresh
venison very freely, but I never tried them with fish, though I have heard they will at
times prey on them. |
1771.
December
|
|
|
Samuel Hearne, A Winter View in the
Athapuscow Lake (1771)
Notes
I have seen two Northern Indians who measured six feet three inches; and one, six
feet four inches.[back]
Tima in the Esquimaux language is a friendly word similar
to what cheer![back]
When the fifteen Indians turned back at the Stony Mountains, they took two or three
canoes with them; some of our crew that were sent ahead as messengers had not yet
returned, which occasioned the number of our canoes to be so small.[back]
|